Hong Kong rounds up pro-democracy leaders as Beijing asserts power over the city
The China Project illustration by Derek Zheng
Last week, we notedย that the rule of law in Hong Kong took another setback when Luรฒ Huรฌnรญng ้ชๆ ๅฎ, the top Beijing representative in the city, called for stricter punishments for those who engage in โprotest violenceโ and for the creation of a โpublic opinion environmentโ that values stability and security.
Over the weekend came two very significant moves to accomplish exactly those goals of Beijing: Pro-democracy leaders who had led protests last year were rounded up, and the laws governing how Beijing is supposed to interact with the cityโs government were radically reinterpreted.
Mass arrest of pro-democracy leaders
โHong Kong police rounded up at least 15 veterans and supporters of the opposition camp in a swoop on Saturday that netted, among others, media tycoon Jimmy Lai Chee-yingย [้ปๆบ่ฑ Lรญ Zhรฌyฤซng] and prominent barrister Martin Lee Chu-ming [ๆๆฑ้ Lว Zhรนmรญng] for their roles in unlawful protests late last year,โ reports the South China Morning Post. A police spokesperson said that โthose held were involved in organizing and participating in unauthorized marches on August 18, October 1 or October 20.โ
Unleashing the liaison office
Luo Huining is the head of the Hong Kong Liaison Office. According to Hong Kongโs laws, this office is one of three that are โset up in the [Hong Kong Special Administrative Region] by [Beijing].โ Therefore, under the โone country, two systemsโ formulation, the Hong Kong Liaison Office had to โabide by the laws of the Region.โ In other words, the office held no actual power in Hong Kongโs government, because Hong Kong is supposed to have a โhigh degree of autonomy.โ
That standard has now been shredded.ย In reaction to filibustering tactics in Hong Kongโs Legislative Council by Dennis Kwok Wing-hang (้ญๆฆฎ้ Guล Rรณngkฤng) and other opposition politicians last week, the Liaison Office and other representatives of Beijing expressed outrage. That, by itself, was not too unusual.
But then the Hong Kong government agreed that Beijingโs concerns are โlegitimate,โ and issued three extraordinary late-night statements that increasingly parroted Beijingโs interpretation. Per New York Times reporter Austin Ramzy, these statements:
- Endorsed the Liaison Officeโs โright to weigh in on legislative committee matters.โ (The original statement is now deleted, but preserved in the Hong Kong Free Press.)
- Cut โany mention of Article 22, the part of the Basic Law which states that no department of the central government may interfere with affairs that Hong Kong administers on its own.โ
- Clarified that โthe central government liaison office doesnโt fall under Article 22.โ
โThe mere fact that the [Hong Kong] Governmentย has to change its public statements three times to eventually agree with the position of the Liaison Office may serve the best testimony of an interference,โ wrote Hong Kong University professor Johannes Chanย in a detailed analysis.
What comes next?
Jerome A. Cohen, a legal scholar, calls the mass arrests and legal reinterpretations a โstunning advanceย toward the Chinese Governmentโs demolition of One Country, Two Systems in fact, if not in name.โ He suggests that the government is trying to provoke a reaction to implement stricter national security laws. Antony Dapiran, a Hong Kongโbased lawyer and chronicler of the protests, commented more on the implicationsย for the upcoming Legislative Council elections in September:
โฆthis weekendโs arrests may be part of a plan to convict and disqualify as many pan-dem politicians as possible to prevent their participation in those elections. This last week has seen only the first moves in what will be a multi-month campaign.